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Part
I
The
September 11th attacks took most Americans completely by surprise.
They shouldn't have. It's been over 25 years since America's defeat
in Vietnam. America's fifteen-year military involvement in Southeast
Asia should be closely studied, because it speaks volumes on the
recent worldwide upsurge in the use of military violence to solve
political and economic problems. As we look back upon that war,
we should be careful not to forget the incredible suffering heaped
upon the people of that region, which lost over two million citizens,
in a war for independence, which they fought first against France
and finally against the United States. The war, which cost 55,000
Americans their lives, was not only a drain in the American economy
and its ability to fully cultivate our human resources, but it also
traumatized many of the people who served there, America's national
mind-set and the country's international image. If the war had mainly
been about body counts, clearly the United States would have won.
But the people we fought are now the government of Vietnam. We left.
They stayed. As with the war in Iraq, in Vietnam the United States
decisively won the military components of the war, but pitifully
lost the political and social aspects, including world opinion.
Modern warfare, "asymmetrical war", obviously has a significant
military aspect, but the primary context is political. The most
important goal is to win "the hearts and minds" of people.
Considering
the fact that the United States dropped more bombs on Vietnam, a
country the size of Ohio, than were dropped by all sides fighting
in World War II combined, it's a wonder there's a Vietnam left to
discuss. Today, as the U.S. government searches the planet for,
and through its policies, creates new enemies, we should admit that
most Americans underestimated the Vietnamese, in part, because they
were of color, physically smaller, and poor. Foreign policy planners
never fully took into consideration the strength of their culture
and their historic inclination to fight foreign domination. The
Cold Warriors never understood that the roots of the Vietnamese
national liberation movement were in Vietnam and not the Soviet
Union or China. Opposition to the American presence was not caused
by Ho Chi Minh. Most of the foreign policy planners never figured
that the Vietnamese would respond to the carpet-bombing of their
homeland with a greater sense of national unity and commitment to
not be overwhelmed. They responded in a way not unlike the British,
when, during World War II, the Nazis incorrectly assumed that they
could bomb Great Britain into submission. Prime Minister Winston
Churchill came back with his, now famous, "Britain's finest
hour" speeches. The Nazi bombing actually served to unify and
weld British public opinion. This should be of particular interest
to today's strategists, since the United States has embarked upon
a strategy of aerial bombing of military and civilian targets in
so-called "low intensity operations." For decades, what's
now called "the war on terrorism" was conducted in secret
and has often included, what the State Department likes to refer
to as, extra-legal detention and interrogation, also known as kidnapping
and torture, and target neutralization, also know as assassination
and murder. Read former CIA Station Chief John Stockwell's books,
"In Search of Enemies" and "The Secret Wars of the
CIA" for many of the gory details.
It's
remarkable that so many Americans, today, stand ready to repeat
similarly horrific mistakes around the world. It's as though they
somehow slept through the last four decades. Some people have selective
historical amnesia and have conveniently forgotten, while others
are in denial about the millions of innocent civilians killed over
the last forty years by brutal American-trained, directed and supplied
right-wing governments death squads, and other assorted Contra/UNITA-like
terrorists, in Latin America and the Caribbean or United States
support of the criminal apartheid government and numerous mercenary
and terrorist elements throughout much of Southern and Central Africa,
or the CIA-sponsored overthrow of elected governments in such places
as Guatemala, Chile, Nicaragua, Haiti, Congo and Iran, not to mention,
guerillas, trained in Afghanistan and Pakistan to fight the Soviet
army, who appear to be boomeranging against the United States government,
its allies, and non-combatant civilians.
We
continue to misread history and hopelessly look for military solutions
to deep social, political and economic inequities. These un-redressed
grievances, give rise to revolutionary movements. President John
F. Kennedy stated, "Those who make peaceful revolutions impossible,
make violent revolutions inevitable." Revolutions, whether
they be violent or nonviolent, are not caused by terrorists, spies,
agents or as Bull Connor used to say, "outside agitators",
but by social realities such as rising consciousness and expectations,
economic exploitation, corruption, poverty, torture, murder, the
theft of national wealth by undemocratic foreign-backed elites,
occupation, and the absence of self-determination. If we really
want to dramatically reduce the presence of, if not end, so-called
terrorism, we must sincerely address these circumstances. Peace
is more than the absence of war; it suggests the presence of justice.
If we truly want peace, we will heed the peoples' cries for justice.
Part
II
Virtually
anyone, in the developing world, who openly challenges the local
authoritarian government or America's corporate greed driven foreign
policy, is subject to being labeled a terrorist. But just because
the United States government labels an individual, organization
or nation terrorist, doesn't make it so. President Nelson Mandela
spent 27 years in prison for his heroic role in leading an armed,
largely underground, guerilla movement, the African National Congress,
which was organized to overthrow the white South African dictatorship
and bring greater freedom to all South African workers. The ANC
was on the U.S. list of terrorist organizations. Both the South
African and United States governments, for years, called Mandela,
a "Black nationalist terrorist" and "murderer".
He never was. He was, always, a Black revolutionary nationalist
freedom fighter.
It
would be good for all Americans to study the history of America's
foreign policy and learn its hard lessons. Lessons such as: no matter
what the training of the soldiers or the attitude of the folks back
home, a highly mechanized invading army is at a terrible, if not
insurmountable, disadvantage against well trained, motivated guerillas,
with a reasonable degree of support among people who perceive them
not as terrorists, but as defenders of that which held dear.
Sooner or later the United States will realize, as did Britain,
France, Germany, Belgium, Portugal, Japan, and others, that the
era of gunboat diplomacy and colonialism is over. Commenting on
the decline of the British Empire, James Baldwin said, "Once
the sun never set on the British Empire. Now the sun can't find
it". In order to maintain influence, the U.S.A. will change
its foreign policies, sooner or later. But how many more will die
between now and then? If the United States government is to stop
looking hypocritical and instead become defenders of the democracy
it proclaims, it must accept the idea that people in other countries
have the right, just as Americans do, to choose their own national
direction and leaders, whether the national security state approves
of them or not. The United States of America does not have the right,
wisdom or ability to run the world. There is no, "white man's
burden" or destiny that is manifest. When Martin Luther King,
Jr. came out against America's war in Vietnam and American foreign
policy in general, most mainstream leaders and much of the general
public were disappointed and or angry. But Dr. King was right and
they were confused. There is similar disorientation and hesitance
today and as a result, few leaders are prepared to speak out against
the current plots and plans of America's military/corporate elite.
Nevertheless, we must not allow ourselves to become apologists for
a foreign policy that puts the profits of gigantic multi-national
businesses before the interests of people. As we do more for ourselves,
building our own institutions and coalitions with others, we must
speak out.
On
April 16, 1967, approximately a year before his assassination, from
his father's pulpit in Atlanta, Dr. King spoke in the tradition,
saying:
"As
long as machines, computers, profit motives, and property rights
are
considered more important than people, the giant triple evils of
racism, militarism, and economic exploitation are incapable of being
conquered."
"And
don't let anybody make you think that God chose America as his divine
messianic force to be a sort of policeman for the whole world. God
has a way of standing before the nations with judgment. And it seems
that I can hear God saying to America, you're too arrogant. And
if you don't change your ways, I will rise up and break the backbone
of your power and place it in the hands of a nation that doesn't
even know my name. Be still, and know that I'm God."
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